Latest from Daily Maverick
Daily Maverick
3 hours ago
- Business
- Daily Maverick
Ties that bind: Inside Mashatile's inner circle behind SA's new lottery operator
A cache of pictures and video shows the cozy ties between Deputy President Paul Mashatile and the inner circle behind the new lottery operator, Sizekhaya Holdings. It also introduces a key new figure linking them: Sbu Shabalala, the disgraced former Adapt IT chief executive. Photographs and footage reveal the close personal relationships behind the company that clinched the multibillion-rand lotto licence and their links to Deputy President Paul Mashatile. They provide insight into the powerful people who orbit the Deputy President, with a new name surfacing: former Adapt IT CEO Sbu Shabalala. Following amaBhungane's reporting, members of Parliament put the heat on Minister of Trade and Industry, Parks Tau, asking him to account for possible conflicts of interest in the licence bidding process and award. AmaBhungane understands that Sbu Shabalala is engaged to Khumo Bogatsu, Mashatile's sister-in-law, and is also the cousin of Moses Tembe, the Durban businessman who leads Sizekhaya. Earlier this week amaBhungane revealed that Bogatsu is the twin sister of second lady Humile Mashatile and co-owns Bellamont Gaming with Tembe. Bellamont Gaming is a shareholder in Sizekhaya Holdings, which has received the nod from Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Parks Tau to take over the national lottery licence, valid for eight years and generating about R7-billion annually. Shabalala is believed to be a key person helping knit together the politically connected group, which includes Sandile Zungu, a prominent member of Sizekhaya who reportedly co-leads the consortium with Tembe. Shabalala's presence is also controversial because of his spectacular fall from grace and departure from Adapt IT in 2021 following a violent incident at his estranged wife's home. He did not respond to questions. Power video The group's proximity to power is most strikingly demonstrated in a video circulated online around March 2025 – three months before the National Lotteries Commission (NLC) announced Sizekhaya as the winning bidder. The video captures the group, minus Zungu, at what appears to be a holiday gathering at an upscale resort. The scene is relaxed and familiar: Tembe in a crisp white shirt, his wife in jeans and a white shirt, Shabalala in a black shirt and shorts, Bogatsu in a sun hat and white blouse, Mrs Mashatile sipping a bottle of water and the Deputy President dancing. Deputy President Paul Mashatile taking a break from his demanding duties to spend quality time with family and friends. — MDN NEWS (@MDNnewss) March 15, 2025 Other photos, which we'll detail, place members of the group – including Zungu, Mashatile and their spouses – in each other's company at various personal and private events. The visuals are significant, not because powerful people have friends, but because these friendships sit at the nexus of a major public tender worth billions, raising questions about proximity, access and influence. In this regard, State Capture amply demonstrated the potential sway of informal networks over formal decision-making. The visuals add to concerns about the potential for political interference in the award of the hotly contested lottery licence, despite both Tau and Mashatile emphasising this week that the Deputy President played no role whatsoever in the lottery decision. In a response to amaBhungane, Sizekhaya said that 'the questions put forward to Advocate Bogatsu, Mr Tembe and Mr Zungu are irrelevant to the award and operation of the fourth national lottery licence and, as such, Sizekhaya is unable to respond to them. 'Sizekhaya reiterates that the allegations relating to 'interested, politically connected parties' are baseless, and that our directors and shareholders are fit and proper, as per the Lotteries Act.' Tembe told amaBhungane he did not believe any answer they gave would ever satisfy the 'insatiable appetite to incriminate' Mashatile: 'We're private individuals who've got private lives like you… You're welcome to continue down that trajectory without our cooperation.' He maintained that they had submitted all necessary declarations to the NLC and that the consortium won the bid on merit. Fallout As a result of amaBhungane's reporting, members of Parliament grilled Tau about Mashatile's possible conflicts of interest during a committee meeting on Tuesday. Tau indicated he had been unaware that the Deputy President's sister-in-law had an interest in Sizekhaya and said the matter would be investigated. Mashatile also later claimed he was unaware of Bogatsu's participation in the lottery bid. Several questions put to Mashatile's office went unanswered. Then, in a shocking turn of events, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced on Wednesday that he had taken a decision to remove Deputy Minister of Trade Industry and Competition Andrew Whitfield, who is also a member of the Democratic Alliance (DA). Whitfield's firing was allegedly owing to his official overseas visit in February, which took place without Ramaphosa's permission. A furious DA gave Ramaphosa 48 hours to remove other poor performing and corruption-implicated ministers, threatening 'consequences' if he did not. In a speech on Thursday, DA leader John Steenhuisen told Parliament that 'perhaps there is something even deeper at play here… Andrew Whitfield… had opposed an attempt to make suspect appointments, he was standing in the way of the looting that will follow from the Transformation Fund – and all of this in a department mired in corruption allegations involving the tender for the National Lottery.' In a statement on Friday, Ramaphosa said Whitfield's firing was unrelated to anything else. 'There is really no basis for suggestions that the dismissal of the former deputy minister is related to any other reason than his failure to receive permission to travel and adhere to the rules and established practices expected of members of the Executive of the Republic of South Africa,' he said. Shabalala's rise and fall For Shabalala – whose engagement to Bogatsu appears to have given him direct access to Mashatile – to be included in the Deputy President's circle provides him a comeback after his dramatic fall from grace. In May 2021, the Sunday Times reported that Shabalala's estranged wife, Neo Shabalala, sought a high court interdict against Shabalala, claiming he had hired armed men to assault her then partner, Sipho Nzuza, at her Zimbali home. Nzuza was eThekwini municipal manager, but was at the time out on bail of R50,000 after being arrested in connection with the now-notorious Durban Solid Waste case, in which he is still on trial alongside former Mayor Zandile Gumede. The Sunday Times report said Nzuza had been left in a critical condition after the attack and had his spleen and part of a kidney removed. Neo claimed in her affidavit that the assault – at which Sbu Shabalala was allegedly present – was meant to intimidate her into signing a divorce settlement that she believed was for less than what she was entitled to. She claimed Shabalala was invading her privacy by planting listening devices in her home and monitoring her cellphone. 'I do not feel safe in the slightest with the First Respondent [Shabalala] being near me or entering the immovable property,' she said. Although Shabalala maintained his innocence, saying the allegations were without merit, he consented to the interdict and the fallout resulted in his fall from grace. After taking a three month leave of absence to 'attend to personal matters' he ended up resigning from Adapt IT – the feisty tech company that he had founded and taken to a listing on the Johannesburg Securities Exchange. 'We are coming home' – and bringing friends In growing closer to Mashatile through Bogatsu, Shabalala is said to have also brought his cousin, Tembe, into enhanced proximity. Tembe co-directs and co-owns Bellamont Gaming with Bogatsu, the twin sister of Mashatile's wife, Humile. The company is a minority shareholder in Sizekhaya, and it is central to questions of a conflict of interest for the Deputy President. The company's name, Sizekhaya – which translates to 'we are coming home' – seems apt for a group bound not only by business but also by longstanding personal relationships. Aside from the revealing video, the group also appeared together in a photo previously published by amaBhungane, taken at St Paul's Anglican Church in February 2024, where they gathered to honour victims of a bus crash following the ANC's manifesto launch at Moses Mabhida Stadium. While the published photo focused on Tembe, Mashatile and his wife in the front row, a closer look reveals Shabalala standing behind them to the right and a partially obscured woman who may be Bogatsu to his left, just behind the red jacket. That year, Mashatile had frequented Tembe's home in uMdloti, KwaZulu-Natal, according to people in the area, and around the time the photo was taken it is said that Mashatile's presidential protection unit stayed over at Tembe's house for around six days. Coincidentally or not, Bellamont Gaming was registered just months before that visit, in December 2023 – four months after the NLC published the request for proposal (FRP) for the licence and just two months before bids were due. In that month, Zungu was seemingly celebrating a special moment with Tembe, and a photo shared to his WhatsApp story shows the pair holding a baby girl, allegedly Zungu's. Miami and milestones 2023 was also the year that Shabalala and Bogatsu allegedly celebrated their own milestone – their alleged engagement in August in Miami. Tembe and Reggie Kukama – a well-known friend and associate of Mashatile's – as well as Kukama's son were allegedly there to witness the special occasion. Kukama and Mashatile are members of the so-called 'Alex mafia', a group of successful businessmen and politicians who hail from Alexandra, Johannesburg. More pictures from the same year show Shabalala and Bogatsu arm-in-arm with Zungu and his wife, Nozipho. Another image shows the alleged couple with a close friend at a lunch hosted for the group. Another shows Bogatsu and Shabalala alongside the ANC's Tony Yengeni in an intimate lunch setting. On 2 February 2024, the day before the lottery bids were due, Shabalala, Bogatsu, Tembe and his wife, Princess Nandoyesizwe Tembe (formerly Zulu), were photographed at the opening of the Anele Tembe Library at Durban Girls' College. It was a special occasion for Tembe as a grieving father. His daughter Anele died in 2001 after falling from a balcony in the presence of her then fiancé, rapper Kiernan AKA Forbes. Forbes died two years later after being shot in Durban. 'Not enough to buy an aeroplane' In response to amaBhungane's questions, Tembe dismissed questions about his relationships as an 'invasion of privacy and humiliating'. He said that in his various positions, he has met 'almost all leaders across the political spectrum in their home and my home'. 'It's my duty to share notes on all issues that impact business and to influence them to inculcate and live Godly values. None of them (across the political spectrum) would ever say I discussed personal interests.' Mashatile, he said, had no financial interest in Sizekhaya's bid. He added that the bid was never discussed with Mashatile and confirmed his shareholding in Sizekhaya, but claimed that it was 'insignificant' and 'much less than 10%'. He added: 'The NLC takes the biggest chunk of the top line and winnings even higher. No shareholder would make money to buy an aeroplane.' Political alignment Tau and Mashatile have also risen through the political ranks together. From December 2000, Tau served as a member of the mayoral committee (MMC) in Johannesburg for various portfolios until 2009, when he was elected to the Gauteng ANC provincial executive committee. Around this time, from 1994 until 2009, Mashatile served as MEC in various portfolios, also in Gauteng. From 2007 to 2017, Mashatile served as provincial chairperson of the ANC in Gauteng and from 2011 to 2016 – the same period – Tau served as mayor of Johannesburg. Parliamentary grilling Tau maintained in a parliamentary portfolio committee meeting this week that the process of awarding the licence to Sizekhaya Holdings was fair, but said he would go back and investigate allegations of a conflict of interest between the Deputy President and his sister-in-law. 'Fit and proper is a continuous process. There are allegations that have been raised in the media,' Tau said. 'We have looked at those allegations and we will look at them because they are specific allegations; you cannot ignore them. It would be irresponsible of us to ignore what has been raised in the public domain by investigative journalists in the media and so on.' Tau added that they would get appropriate advice on whether the Deputy President's relationship constitutes a conflict of interest, political affiliation and any other considerations. DM
Daily Maverick
3 hours ago
- Business
- Daily Maverick
MTN faces legal reckoning: Turkcell's $4.2 billion claim exposes alleged corruption and bribery
A $4.2-billion corruption claim, including allegations of bribery and geopolitical interference: MTN's long-running Irancell saga is finally knocking at the doors of South Africa's highest court. More than two decades since Iran issued its first private mobile network licence, a tangled web of geopolitics, bribery allegations and courtroom battles has landed squarely at the feet of South Africa's Constitutional Court. First, some background. The stakes? A $4.2-billion claim. The claimant? Turkish mobile giant Turkcell. The accused? The MTN Group, South Africa's telecommunications crown jewel. At the heart of the matter lies the 2005 award of Iran's mobile licence to MTN – after Turkcell had already been named the winner. Now, after years of legal ping-pong, Turkcell's claim of corruption and foul play is finally inching towards a South African trial. MTN is trying to stop that from happening. The smoking gun Turkcell's legal counsel, New York-based King & Spalding's Cedric Soule, doesn't mince his words. 'MTN sought to obtain illegally what it could not win through honest competition,' he told Daily Maverick. The allegations, which are laid out in filings and interviews, read like an international spy thriller: Bribing foreign officials, including Javid Ghorbanoghli, then Iranian deputy foreign minister for the Africa Bureau, and South Africa's then ambassador to Tehran, Yusuf Saloojee; Trading influence at the United Nations nuclear watchdog, promising to help Iran avoid sanctions; Promising prohibited defence equipment, including Rooivalk attack helicopters and frequency-hopping radios, to sweeten the deal (Turkcell claims it has evidence, as yet undisclosed, that MTN communicated with Denel and Iranian officials). According to Turkcell, all this happened so that MTN could elbow its way into a $31-billion mobile market and walk away with the licence that should have gone to Turkcell. The deal was sealed days after South Africa abstained from a crucial vote related to Iran's nuclear programme at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in late 2005. The vote concerned whether to report Iran to the UN Security Council for failing to comply with its IAEA Safeguards Agreement. But the abstention was seen as a deliberate act, motivated by concerns about the procedural fairness of the resolution and a desire to maintain the IAEA's authority. Specifically, South Africa's representative to the IAEA, Abdul Samad Minty, argued that the resolution was flawed and premature, as it bypassed the IAEA board of governors' role in the verification process. Minty said at the time that 'South Africa's commitment is to the IAEA's integrity and impartiality and is reluctant to undermine the agency's authority'. South Africa has also enjoyed good relations with Iran. Crucially, this abstention was not an isolated incident. South Africa also abstained on similar resolutions in 2006, highlighting a consistent stance on the matter. Soule says Turkcell 'won the licence fair and square' and that MTN's conduct undermined the integrity of international business. 'This case is about accountability,' he says. 'And it belongs in a South African courtroom.' A strong rebuttal MTN, for its part, has always dismissed Turkcell's claims as 'a fabric of lies' and a 'frivolous shakedown'. Its legal team, speaking about background exclusively to Daily Maverick, continues to lean heavily on the Hoffmann Report – a 2013 internal investigation led by British judge Lord Leonard Hoffmann. This report found 'no conspiracy,' labelled Turkcell's key witness a 'fantasist' and said MTN executives were in the clear. It even found that although a $400,000 payment had been made to an Iranian intermediary, the money's purpose couldn't be determined – and was irrelevant to Turkcell's central claims. MTN also argues that Turkcell failed to comply with Iranian laws after a shift in government policy. 'They failed to adjust their shareholding in time,' MTN argues, 'and were lawfully excluded from the process.' As for the most salacious allegations – military gear and political favours – MTN says it would be impossible for its actions to have altered Iranian legislation or international diplomacy. The Hoffmann Report indicates that a general election took place in Iran on 20 February 2004, which resulted in a new parliament taking office in May 2004. This new Iranian parliament was overwhelmingly dominated by conservatives who opposed the government's policy of privatisation and foreign inward investment, particularly in relation to the cellphone service. The Single Article Act, designed to strengthen financial discipline, stemmed from this shift in parliamentary power. Snookered in ownership Following the Single Article Act, the parliament passed another significant piece of legislation in February 2005, known as the Irancell Act. This act imposed further conditions, requiring that 51% of the shares in the operating company be held by Iranian entities and that all board decisions require the approval of at least 50% of the shareholders. This was understood to be due to concerns about foreign entities becoming heavily involved in what was considered critical infrastructure in Iran. These legislative changes created significant obstacles for Turkcell, which had initially won the tender with a plan to control 70% of the shares. 'Turkcell was given multiple opportunities to negotiate with its existing partners to reach a compliant deal, but they didn't do that or they were not able to do that,' MTN's legal team argues. The team points to a specific deadline – 4 September 2004 – when the Ministry of Telecommunications demanded a compliant deal from Turkcell, which the Turkish company failed to deliver. 'Turkcell has never explained how MTN's [alleged] corrupt practices would have led to a change in national legislation,' MTN's lawyers emphasise, arguing that their client was simply better positioned to navigate Iran's evolving regulatory landscape. After Turkcell's 2012 US complaint, MTN commissioned the independent investigation led by Lord Hoffmann, a retired British Supreme Court judge. But Turkcell has 'strongly rejected MTN's repeated reliance on the Hoffmann Report', with Soule calling it 'unreliable and irrelevant' to current proceedings. The Turkish company has criticised the investigation, claiming: Conflicts of interest: Lord Hoffmann's daughter, Jennifer, worked for MTN Mobile Money during the relevant 2004-2006 period and also in the MTN Banking joint venture with Standard Bank, which was involved in the financial transfers. 'Lord Hoffmann had a huge conflict of interest,' Soule argues. Lack of independence: The committee was composed of MTN non-executive directors and used MTN's own external lawyers (Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer) instead of independent counsel. The committee even thanked the Islamic Republic of Iran for support – problematic given Iran's alleged involvement in the wrongdoing. Insufficient rigour: The committee didn't actually interview key witnesses like former MTN director in Iran Chris Kilowan, then commercial director Irene Charnley (to whom Jenny Hoffmann reported) or former MTN CEO Phuthuma Nhleko to determine credibility, relying only on written statements prepared with lawyers' help. The committee did not independently seek documents, relying instead on what MTN's lawyers provided. Turkcell characterises the report as essentially 'a PR exercise' to review curated evidence and reach predetermined conclusions. The company declined to participate owing to concerns about the committee's structure and independence. Where we are now In April this year, the Supreme Court of Appeal handed Turkcell what it called a 'procedural win' – confirming that South African courts do have jurisdiction to hear the matter. It dismissed MTN's argument that South Africa cannot police corporate misconduct committed abroad. 'Not on our watch' was how the court framed its message to South African firms doing business in murky waters. MTN is now seeking leave to appeal to the Constitutional Court in a last-ditch effort to stop the case from going to trial. Turkcell has filed its opposition. 'The report never seriously asked: what if we did do some of these things?' says Soule. 'It only asked: is Turkcell's story perfect?' MTN has argued that Iranian courts would offer a fair alternative venue for the dispute, but Turkcell has strongly rejected that suggestion. The Turkish company cites 'well-documented concerns regarding judicial independence and due process' in what it describes as a 'religious dictatorship where dissent is not tolerated'. More practically, Turkcell argues that Iranian courts wouldn't be able to compel MTN executives, who reside in South Africa, to appear and testify – a crucial limitation given the nature of the allegations. But the fact remains that Turkcell also refused to participate in the Hoffmann inquiry, claiming its witnesses would not be safe and due process could not be guaranteed in Iran. Although the Supreme Court of Appeal agreed that Iranian law would apply to aspects of the case, Turkcell sees this as its 'only and probably final opportunity' to get a substantive ruling on MTN's alleged misconduct. If it proceeds, this would become one of South Africa's most explosive corporate trials. MTN also faces what amounts to a 'reputational trial in the court of public opinion', regardless of the legal outcome. The company holds a 49% minority stake in Irancell, which it says is not under MTN Group's operational control. The case also highlights claims of a complex interplay between corporate interests and state foreign policy. President Cyril Ramaphosa served as MTN Group chairperson (a non-executive role) more than 12 years ago, resigning from the position in May 2013. But MTN asserts that any suggestion of improper benefit from his time at the company is 'false and misleading', and emphasises that it does not conduct business in alignment with government foreign policy. The Constitutional Court is expected to announce its decision on MTN's leave to appeal within the next three months. MTN's other Iran headache MTN just can't catch a break in the Middle East, with new scrutiny coming from the US. Congresswoman Elise Stefanik has written a letter urging Bank of New York Mellon (BNY Mellon) to investigate its ties with MTN. Her letter highlights concerns about MTN's links to Iran, Hamas and President Cyril Ramaphosa's finances. She calls for BNY Mellon to halt its role as the bank handling MTN's shares in the US, cooperate with US authorities, and disclose its involvement with MTN and its Iranian affiliates. A pending lawsuit, Zobay v MTN, accuses MTN of financing terrorism, as defined by the US Anti-Terrorism Act. Stefanik claims significant legal precedent exists, which MTN denies. Senior MTN executive Nompilo Morafo rejected Stefanik's claims in an interview with Daily Maverick, stating that the allegations have not been tested in court. Morafo also dismissed accusations against Ramaphosa, who chaired MTN 12 years ago, and insisted MTN has no operational control in Iran, holding only a minority share in Irancell. MTN says it 'remains committed to human rights', and its directors have pushed for a pivot to the company's pan-African strategy, despite litigation and pressure from US legislators. DM
Daily Maverick
14 hours ago
- Business
- Daily Maverick
WTO fisheries agreement gains momentum, but will Africa's coastal states rise to the challenge?
Despite the high cost of illegal fishing, only a third of African countries have signed the landmark agreement that will soon take effect. The World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies is on track to be adopted this year, with Ghana the latest African country to ratify. Nine more ratifications are needed to reach the total of 111, which activates the treaty. The landmark deal will come into force in what looks like a ' super year ' for ocean governance. Yet only about a third of African states have ratified it, raising questions about whether the agreement risks faltering where the benefits are most needed. The Food and Agriculture Organization's most recent State of World Fisheries and Aquaculture report says Africa's fisheries are among the most vulnerable and highly affected by overfishing and illicit, unreported and unregulated fishing. Little of Africa's marine fish stocks are caught sustainably. This presents the continent with a unique trifecta of challenges: subsidised foreign fleets, weak ocean governance, and climate change combine to undermine the sustainability of marine resources. Small pelagic stocks in West Africa have collapsed, East African coral reef fisheries run below sustainable yields, and coastal livelihoods and food security are under threat. Current estimations suggest that at least $11.2-billion in African revenue is lost annually due to illegal exploitation. In this context, the fisheries deal should be a major step in addressing unlawful fishing and harmful subsidies that contribute to overfishing. Globally, 102 countries are officially recorded as having ratified the agreement. Several others, including Ghana, have completed domestic ratification, but aren't yet reflected in the official count because they still need to conclude the formal procedure. The agreement targets three areas contributing to the depletion of marine resources, with two implementation phases. First, it bans subsidies linked to exploiting overfished stocks, aiming to bolster conservation and awareness about weak regulatory oversight. Second, it prohibits fishing subsidies in high seas areas beyond the purview of regional fisheries bodies, where enforcement gaps are common and migratory fish stocks are vulnerable. Finally, it bans subsidies to vessels involved in illegal fishing. These measures respond to longstanding concerns about the role of subsidies in enabling overfishing and illegal fishing, especially by distant-water fleets. Although the benefits for Africa are clear, the reception seems lukewarm, with just 20 African countries having officially ratified the agreement. Most support has come from West Africa, where the Economic Community of West African States has urged its members to support the initiative. In East and southern Africa, only four coastal states have ratified: Comoros, Mauritius, Seychelles and South Africa. One probable reason is limited awareness and technical capacity since the agreement is essentially a trade instrument, not a conventional fisheries or environmental treaty. So understanding the deal's implications requires coordination between national agencies responsible for fishing, environment, trade and foreign affairs. The agreement is nevertheless on track to enter into force before year-end, underscoring the importance of Africa's readiness to successfully implement it. For one thing, implementation will likely come with financial and resource implications. The agreement requires all WTO members to create a national subsidy inventory documenting the nature, recipients and purpose of fisheries subsidies. This will require inter-agency coordination, political commitment, and new digital reporting systems, potentially adding costs for African states. At the same time, a lack of capacity or political will to implement may see countries become targets for illegal fleets, since the agreement is only as strong as states' ability to enforce it. This is especially likely since the prohibition is not triggered automatically, but only once a relevant party determines a transgression has occurred. That party could be the coastal state against which a transgression has been committed, one whose flag is used by the vessel involved in illegal fishing, or a relevant regional fisheries management organisation/arrangement. However, the arrangements are not always well equipped to deal with illegal fishing, and their ability to respond depends on member states' commitment and capacity. And flag states, especially those providing flags of convenience, are seldom willing to enforce rules that undermine their profits. This means the successful use of the agreement will depend on countries' ability to detect illegal activity and collect evidence. That doesn't diminish the initiative's utility, but highlights the challenges African countries could face as they prepare for implementation. To maximise the agreement's benefits, governments should prioritise three actions. Self-assessment tool First, they must use the WTO's self-assessment tool to systematically align national policies with the agreement's requirements. Identifying legislative, regulatory and institutional gaps may require technical assistance or capacity-building support. Second, states should strengthen coordination among fisheries, trade and finance ministries to ensure coherent policy implementation and transparent reporting on subsidies and conservation measures, as mandated by the agreement. Third, African countries are well positioned to leverage the WTO Fisheries Funding Mechanism, which provides resources for developing nations to upgrade fisheries management, enhance compliance and help small-scale fishers achieve sustainable practices. This support becomes available to member states on ratifying the agreement. However, the deal alone is not a panacea. It is a useful addition to countries' toolkit in their fight against illegal and unsustainable fishing — but its effectiveness will depend on the actions of African coastal and flag states. Countries should use existing maritime mechanisms, such as the Djibouti and Yaoundé codes of conduct, as well as their regional maritime security strategies. The African Union (AU) and the AU Development Agency could provide technical support and capacity building, and raise awareness among member states as they have done before. The absence of a robust WTO enforcement mechanism means African countries must simultaneously invest in strengthening their maritime security and implementing international accords like the Agreement on Port State Measures. Enhanced surveillance, port inspections and regional collaboration are vital for intercepting illegal catches and deterring illicit operators. Without these complementary measures, the risks to Africa's food security, economic stability and regional security will persist. DM
Daily Maverick
14 hours ago
- General
- Daily Maverick
I have a picture for you! 22 June-28 June 2025
Want to send us your photos? You need to be a First Thing Subscriber. When you're subscribed and ready, there'll be a link to submit your own pics in the Picture of the Day section. Guidelines: we try to be as inclusive as possible when publishing your fantastic photos. However, if you can, please try orient your camera horizontally ('landscape' format) and please, please, try send us as high resolution a photo as possible. NOTE: We limit our weekly entries to maximum 20. If your picture's not published, please keep sending them in! First Thing's John Stupart is very much a dog person, but we encourage all pictures. Are you an amateur or professional photographer? While we don't have money for your pics, if you have a portfolio link or options for prints, let us know when you submit your pic and we'll do our best to include it. Note: By submitting a photo you acknowledge that you have given us permission to publish them on this site and in this format. You still hold all rights to your work. If you would like to re-use, print, or otherwise use our subscribers' photos, contact us and we'll put you in touch with the original photographers.
Daily Maverick
17 hours ago
- Business
- Daily Maverick
Standard Bank Launches Southern Africa's First Shari'ah-Compliant Overdraft
Structured under the Shari'ah principle of Wakaalah, the Shari'ah Overdraft facility is a non-interest based alternative that provides businesses with instant access to short-term funding. Linked to the Shari'ah Business Current Account, the new product will allow clients to drawdown up to a pre-approved limit. 'This is not just a product launch, it's a response to a critical gap in Africa's Islamic Finance ecosystem,' said Ameen Hassen, Head of Shari'ah Banking at Standard Bank. 'For too long, businesses that required Shari'ah-compliant financing options lacked fluidity of a working capital solution that an overdraft brings. This overdraft facility empowers entrepreneurs to manage cash flow fluctuations without compromising their values and need for Shari'ah compliance.' With Sub-Saharan Africa home to 18% of the global Muslim population but accounting for just 1% of worldwide Islamic Finance assets, Standard Bank's innovation arrives as the region seeks scalable, Shari'ah-compliant solutions. The overdraft facility will directly address working capital challenges faced by businesses. Key benefits of the new product include: Competitive market related pricing. Direct linkage to the Shari'ah Business Current Account for streamlined operations. Certified compliance: The facility is certified by Standard Bank's Shari'ah Advisory Committee. Not only for Muslims While Shari'ah Banking adheres to Islamic principles like Wakaalah bi al-Istithmar (agency-based investment), and the prohibition of interest (riba), Hassen said the bank's offering transcends religious boundaries, with approximately 35% of Standard Bank's South African Shari'ah clients identifying as non-Muslim. 'This isn't just for Muslims, it's for anyone seeking transparent, non-interest, asset-based or backed financial solutions,' said Hassen. The launch builds on Standard Bank's legacy of Islamic Finance innovation, including the world's first Shari'ah-compliant Diners Club product and South Africa's inaugural Shari'ah tax-efficient endowment. 'Africa's economic future hinges on inclusive, innovative finance,' said Hassen. 'With this product, we're not just serving clients, we're innovating, industrialising and advancing a system of finance rooted in tradition and shared prosperity.' To leverage this Shari'ah-compliant liquidity facility, businesses and individuals can contact their Standard Bank Relationship Manager or email [email protected]. DM
